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predicate P whenever it is possible, instead of using a catalog of theta-roles, which are difficult to justify. The use of abduction operations is limited hereto predicates already present in the core event structure. In other words, predicatesfrom the OS introduced by the core event are tried first. In this case, the OS [:at(z,y), at(z, y)] encodes the change of location that is required by a verb like poner(‘put’).Alternatively, the use of abduction can be restricted to predicates that are relatedto the arguments of those predicates by way of Qualia.In Fig. 7.12 P(w) is congruent (Š) with at(z,y), unifying w with z via Abduction:at(w,y) Š P(w) based on the telic role of azúcar (sugar). The structure can besimplified as follows: e4 D e2, given there is no distinction between both sub-events.Next, sentence (22) is a variation of the classical ethical dative (10a). Thepossible operations are the same, either in the interpretation (i) or (ii): P Š :has y.This can be interpreted in two ways. It can be a benefactive, the case in which theargument introduced by the clitic wants the food to be eaten (e.g. (10a)). Otherwise,it is a negatively affected participant, the case in which the argument introduced bythe clitic doesn’t want the food to be eaten (e.g. one of the possible interpretationsof 10d). These are discourse dependent interpretations. We have shown that theparadigm of variations in one or more arguments yields different interpretations.Those interpretations can be computed using the abduction operation constrainedby the OS and the Qualia, i.e., it specifies an argument that participates in the OS(Fig. 7.13). (22) le comió (la comida) (a Marı́a).cl-3pSgDat eat-past (food) (to Marı́a). i) ‘(he/she) ate (the food) for (he/she) Marı́a.’ii) ‘(he/she) ate (the food) from/on Marı́a.’ 7 Spanish Clitics, Events and Opposition Structure165 Fig. 7.14 Acusative clitic (se) linked to the FORMAL predicate in the Qualia 7.4 Reconsidering the Clitic se Given the clitic se is underspecified for Case, the available options are the following,(a) accusative behavior, which corresponds to reflexive, inherent, ergative,24inchoative, middle and (b) dative behavior which corresponds to impersonal, ethical,possessive and locative. 7.4.1 Accusative Case: Reflexive, Inherent, Ergative,Inchoative and Middle se In these cases and if the clitic is not se, but an accusative clitic, the verb must betransitive or transitivizable. In the following examples the clitic se is linked to theFORMAL predicate in the Qualia.The structure represented in Fig. 7.14 shows, as a blueprint, the general schemathat corresponds to the following sentences in (23). The subject (if any, givenSpanish is a pro-drop language) and the verbal agreement link to an argument inthe Agentive role. The accusative clitic links to an argument in the Formal role. Ifthere is no Dative clitic (the simplest cases we are considering here), no argumentis bound to the telic role. (23) a. Juan se afeitó.reflexiveJohn SE shaved.‘John shaved himself.’b. Se reı́a.inherent reflexiveSE laughed.‘He/she laughed.’ c. El barco se hundió.ergativeThe ship SE sank.‘The ship sank’.d. Juan se fue/durmió.inchoative Juan SE went/slept.‘Juan left/fell asleep.’e. Las manzanas se comen fácilmente.middleThe apples SE eat easily. ‘Apples are eaten easily.’ 24This interpretation of ergatives is quite similar to the one in Bouchard (1995).